• SCOPE: Proposal by the UNDCP, 1 December 1997

    FOR PARTICIPANTS ONLY
    E/CN.7/1997/PC/CRP.11
    1 December 1997
    ORIGINAL: ENGLISH

    FOR COMMISSION ON NARCOTIC DRUGS ACTING AS PREPARATORY BODY FOR THE SPECIAL SESSION OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY DEVOTED TO THE FIGHT AGAINST THE ILLICIT PRODUCTION, SALE, DEMAND, TRAFFIC AND DISTRIBUTION OF NARCOTIC DRUGS AND PSYCHOTROPIC SUBSTANCES AND RELATED ACTIVITIES

    Third informal open-ended inter-sessional meeting
    Vienna, 5 December 1997
    Item 2 of the provisional agenda*

    ERADICATION OF ILLICIT NARCOTIC CROPS
    AND PROMOTION OF ALTERNATIVE DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMMES

    A Global Plan for the Elimination of Illicit Narcotic Crops

    PROPOSAL BY THE UNITED NATIONS INTERNATIONAL DRUG CONTROL PROGRAMME (UNDCP)**

    * E/CN.7/1997/PC/8.
    ** This document has not been edited.
    V.97-28725


    E/CN.7/1997/PC/CRP.11
    Page 2

    Introduction and Action Required by the Commission

    1. To assist Member States in reducing the illicit supply of narcotic drugs, in compliance with their obligations under the international drug control treaties, the United Nations international Drug Control Programme (UNDCP) has developed a global plan for the elimination of illicit narcotic crops, which is annexed herewith. The plan takes into consideration the lessons and experience which the Programme has acquired from its activities in the field of alternative development. lt will draw on the experience and support of Governments, bilateral and multilateral assistance, and intergovernmental organizations.

    2.The outline of the global plan is being brought to the attention of the third informal openended inter-sessional meeting of the Commission for information. The meeting is invited to propose that the Commission, at its next meeting in its capacity as preparatory body for the Special Session of the General Assembly, approve the plan and recommend its endorsement by the General Assembly at its Special Session in June 1998.


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    Annex

    A Global Plan for the Elimination of Illicit Narcotic Crops

    A. The issue

    1. During the past 25 years, the United Nations has guided international efforts to eliminate the illicit cultivation of the opium poppy in South-East and South-West Asia. Twelve years ago, a similar initiative was launched in the Andean region to eradicate the coca bush. Some landmark achievements have been made, particularly by the Islamic Republic of Iran, Pakistan, Thailand and Turkey, in eliminating the illicit cultivation of the opium poppy which is currently concentrated in two countries: Afghanistan and Myanmar. Trends of the cultivation of the coca bush have remained stable with Bolivia, Colombia and Peru, accounting for 98% of production.

    B. Outcome of past efforts

    2.Past initiatives to eradicate illicit narcotic plants have met with mitigated success, with no large scale impact on the illicit supply of narcotic drugs, particularly heroin and cocaine. This resulted partly from the outcome of the absence of a comprehensive global strategy founded on the full-fledged commitment of the donor community and recipient countries, and the unfavourable political conditions which prevailed during the Cold War era.

    C. The Global Plan: Its objectives and approach

    3.The proposal for a global plan for the elimination of narcotic plants was endorsed by the Secretary-General and the Senior Management Group, i.e. the Cabinet of the United Nations, on 12 November 1997. The objective of this United Nations plan is to eliminate illicit cultivation of the opium poppy and the coca bush worldwide, as an important component of the drug control strategy of UNDCP, based on a balanced approach. While the main objective of the plan is to reduce the illicit supply of opiates, particularly heroin and cocaine, the package of measures envisaged will address other related aspects of drug control, particularly the suppression of illicit traffic, and demand reduction. Demand reduction strategies covering prevention, treatment and rehabilitation of drug abusers, will be an important part of the plan.

    D. A fresh global approach to eradicate narcotic crops

    4.The launching of the global plan is based on a constellation of favorable factors:

    • First the plan will build on the experience gained and the lessons learned from the various initiatives to eliminate illicit narcotic crop cultivation. Past policies and programmes have provided improved knowledge and understanding of the dynamics of alternative development and other associated measures, such as law enforcement and institution-building. As a first step in formulating the global plan, UNDCP will undertake a study to evaluate the success of efforts to reduce illicit cultivation during the past ten years. The field experience of the United Nations International Drug Control Programme in alternative development and its location in the key

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    • countries affected by illicit cultivation, puts it in a unique position to play a catalytic and coordinating role in mounting this global plan in collaboration with Member States, the United Nations system and interested organizations, such as the financial institutions.
    • Second, the plan is being initiated at a time when Governments are committed to eliminating illicit cultivation. This is reflected in the adoption of article 14 in the 1988 Convention and the recurrent requests of the General Assembly, since the establishment of UNDCP, for increased priority to be given to alternative development with the objective of eliminating illicit drug production. In recognition of the collective responsibility of all Governments to counter the drug problem, the donor community has shown strong support for alternative development, viewing rural development as a means to counter the drug economy. Several recipient countries affected by illicit cultivation have invested considerable resources in their efforts to sustain alternative development. An important recent trend has been the pledges of the international financial institutions, particularly the regional development banks, such as the Inter-American Development Bank, to assist concerned Governments in alternative development programmes.
    • Third the plan's global approach will avoid the fragmentation which characterized previous initiatives to eliminate illicit cultivation. These were often conceived as isolated technical assistance projects targeting specific local situations without an overarching plan to address the problem in a comprehensive manner. The objective of the plan is to provide the critical mass required to make an impact on the situation at the local, national, regional-and global levels. Our experience, as demonstrated in Pakistan and Thailand, is that whenever a critical mass has been provided, along with the strong political support of Governments, illicit cultivation was eliminated.
    • Fourth, the global plan will cover the displacement effects, an issue which was too often neglected in previous initiatives to reduce illicit cultivation. This is essential in order to ensure that success in eliminating illicit cultivation in a targeted part of a country would not contribute to the displacement of cultivation to other parts.
    • Fifth, a system to monitor the extent of illicit cultivation will be established. This will enable an on-going assessment of the impact of eradication efforts and the monitoring of the possible displacement of illicit cultivation. Several Governments and commercial enterprises have proposed the use of their remote sensing technology and services to monitor the application of programmes to eliminate narcotic crops. The use of remote sensing technology, which overcomes the legal obstacles traditionally associated with overflight and the security of aircraft, will facilitate the monitoring of illicit narcotic crops. As appropriate, remote sensing capacity will be combined with ground surveys', to replicate the positive experience of UNDCP in the survey of illicit poppy cultivation in Afghanistan.
    • Sixth, the international community has a proven methodology which has evolved from our field experience in initiatives to eradicate illicit cultivation of the opium poppy and the coca bush. During the 1970s and 1980s the approach evolved from (i) eradication by force or through compensatory schemes, to (ii) crop substitution, premised on the belief that removing the economic incentives to grow illicit crops would lead to their replacement, to (iii) alternative development. That is, integrated rural development centred on the elimination of illicit crops through income-

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    • generating activities, and improving the overall quality of life of the target population through the provision of education, infrastructure and social services.

    E. Factors influencing successful application of the Global Plan

    5. While the elaboration of the global plan rests on a unique combination of favorable factors and circumstances, its successful application will depend on a series of factors, which includes the following:

    • A long term financial and political commitment by national and local authorities to initiatives targeting illicit cultivation. The active involvement of local groups and communities in the design and development of alternative development programmes is also required in order to ensure ownership of the programmes by the targeted local communities.
    • The provision of a coordinated programma of technical assistance based on a clear division of labour. UNDCP would play its catalytical role and focus on the drug control objectives, and other programmes of the UN system, the international financial institutions, multilateral and bilateral agencies, would direct their efforts to the integrated development objectives, particularly the reduction of rural poverty through income generating activities.
    • The incorporation of demand reduction components (prevention, treatment and rehabilitation) in alternative development programmes, in line with the identified priorities of local communities.
    • As alternative development is a long-term objective its success will depend on favorable conditions, particularly the commitment to enforce agreements or arrangements between concerned parties to eliminate illicit cultivation. This would entail the successful blending of alternative development initiatives with law enforcement measures to provide a credible deterrent. The main challenges at the local level will include the strict application of existing legislation and arrangements, with due respect to human rights, and resisting the corrupting influences of drug trafficking networks.
    • The effectiveness of monitoring systems to measure the extent of illicit cultivation, progress in eradication, and the displacement effect of illicit cultivation, if any.

    F. Conclusion

    6. The Programme's strategy, aimed at reaching the target of eliminating illicit cultivation of the coca bush and opium poppy world-wide, will require careful planning and a flexible approach. lt is an ambitious initiative, combining alternative development, a monitoring capacity, law enforcement action and demand reduction programmes. Given the commitment of Member States, the United Nations and civil society to drug control, it remains a viable target for the twenty-first century.


  • Strategy for Coca and Opium Poppy Elimination

    An International Strategy to Eliminate the Illicit Cultivation of Coca Bush and Opium Poppy (SCOPE)

    Commission on narcotic drugs acting as preparatory body for the special session of the general assembly devoted to the fight against the illicit production, sale, demand, traffic and distribution of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances and related activities

    Second session
    Vienna, 16-20 March 1998
    Item 2 (b) of the provisional agenda*

    Preparations for the special session of the general assembly to consider the fight against the illicit production, sale, demand, traffic and distribution of narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances and related activities and to propose new strategies, methods, practical activities and specific measures to strengthen international cooperation addressing the problem of drug abuse and illicit trafficking

    Consideration of the reports of the informal inter-sessional meetings of the Commissionacting as preparatory body for the Special Session of the General Assembly on International Drug Control

    Progress Report
    *E/CN.7/1998/PC/1.
    **This document has not been edited.
    V.98-51405 (E)

     

    READ MORE...
  • Myth 4: Coca and the Environment

    cocasprayingCoca cultivation is devastating the rainforest / Coca is an ideal crop for poor soils in the tropics and will be cultivated everywhere once declared legal

    Since at least the 1980s, there has been a consistent effort to link the growing of coca with widespread environmental degradation, baptized recently by the Colombian government as “ecocide”. Others state that "coca is an ideal crop for poor soils in the tropics".

    In terms of deforestation of actual primary rainforest, the impact of coca farming has been deliberately exaggerated, with the clear objective of gaining political support for eradication campaigns. Coca is rarely planted in areas of virgin woodland, since this demands a great deal of effort to clear, and leaves stumps and fallen tree-trunks which make harvesting of coca leaves impractical and highly labour intensive. Deforestation figures, not surprisingly, have never been analysed in terms of exactly what type of vegetation has been cleared to plant coca. Coca agriculture is also best organized in individual family units, rather than in large plantations, and this has the effect of dispersing the plots in small fields, which rarely exceed one hectare.

    Furthermore, the point needs to be made, and repeated, that coca eradication campaigns have greatly compounded what could have been a relatively containable phenomenon, forcing coca farmers to relocate, clear new areas, and engage in increasingly predatory agricultural practices.

    Both manual eradication and aerial glyphosate spraying have the effect of further displacing coca producers and their crops, leading to the clearing and colonization and clearing of new areas. Forced eradication also has the consequence of making agricultural practices more predatory; since quicker yields must be ensured before the eradicators intervene. This leads to excessive stocking of the coca fields, soil depletion, and the need to employ ever-increasing quantities of industrial fertilizers and pesticides. Dlyphosate spraying - the backbone of Plan Colombia - has involved the added environmental cost of destroying all the flora surrounding areas of coca production, as well as a series of knock-on effects on human health.

    On the other hand, in order to counter the “ecocide”, the Colombian government – generously funded by US, UN and EU bureaucracies – has engaged in alternative development projects whose consequences, in both social and environmental terms, appear considerably more alarming than the problem they were supposedly designed to solve. In some regions of Colombia, the expansion of mega plantations - like palm oil - has been achieved by means of the violent expulsion of independent coca farmers, a pattern repeated in many other areas of the country. Such policies have produced unimaginable levels of hardship and violence, as well as internal displacement, social “cleansing”, political fragmentation, and land counter-reform.

    Back to Coca Myths Summary

    Further reading: Coca Myths, Drugs & Conflict Debate Papers 17, June 2009

  • Myth 3: Coca and addiction

    cocaine-boehringerThe use of coca produces a form of drug dependence / The use of coca will cure dependence on cocaine and crack

    To some people, “the use of coca produces a form of drug dependence”, to others “the use of coca will cure dependence on cocaine and crack”. And, like a Peruvian expert added ironically in 1952, there is a third position, that of the members of the UN who maintain that it is not an addiction, but should be treated as such since it is a pernicious habit. The absence of scientific backing did not prevent the WHO Expert Committee on Drug Dependence from ruling twice, in 1952 and 1953, that coca chewing should indeed be considered a form of “cocainism”.

    Though used by millions without any obvious deleterious effect, coca was declared a powerfully addictive drug with no known therapeutic or industrial uses, and placed on Schedule 1 of the 1961 UN Single Convention. All without a single field study ever having been carried out among even the smallest population of coca “addicts”.

    It is therefore understandable that the Andean and Amazonian peoples who use coca feel themselves to have been ignored and even insulted by the international scientific community, as well as humiliated by UN bureaucracies which call on them, in the inimitable language of the Single Convention, to phase out what they consider a healthy and ancestral custom. It is also significant that there has been almost no attempt since 1953 to provide serious scientific corroboration for the thesis of coca addiction, for to do so would invite almost certainly a conclusion to the contrary, and thus undermine the entire basis of international coca prohibition.

    An unpublished coca and cocaine study of 1992-1994 by WHO/UNICRI finally demolished what remained of the coca-addiction argument, and this may have been one of the reasons why its publication was blocked by the US ambassador at the annual World Health Assembly.

    Regarding the potential of coca to cure de addiction of cocaine and crack, anecdotally, one hears of many ex-users of cocaine who have progressed to the use of various forms of coca leaf, often the easily consumed, powdered preparation known as mambe in Spanish and ypadú in Brazilian Portuguese. Systematic experimentation by medical doctors has included projects by Theobaldo Llosa (2007) in Lima and by Jorge Hurtado (1997) at the psychiatric hospital in La Paz. Though lacking the panoply of data collection, which would allow a solid scientific case to be made for this form of intervention, preliminary results are undoubtedly encouraging and bode well for the future.

    Back to Coca Myths Summary

    Further reading: Coca Myths, Drugs & Conflict Debate Papers 17, June 2009

  • Myth 2: Coca and alkaloids

    makingcocaineCocaine can easily be extracted from coca leaves / Coca leaves contain no cocaine

    To some people, “cocaine can easily be extracted from coca leaves”, to others, "coca leaves contain no cocaine". The extreme positions in this discussion have an even longer and more ideologically charged genealogy than those in the coca and nutrition debate.

    Drug control bureaucracies constantly cite the “easy extraction” of cocaine as a reason to continue keeping coca leaves under the strictest schedules of control, while defenders of coca use formulas such as “coca is not cocaine”, or “coca is to cocaine what the grape is to wine”. The analogy with wine is particularly inappropriate, since the fermentation of alcohol from naturally occurring plant sugars provides no parallel whatsoever to the extraction of naturally occurring alkaloids from an organic plant source.

    On the one hand there is the traditional Western view, enshrined in the 1961 UN Single Convention, which strictly equates coca with cocaine, and treats both in exactly the same way. In contrast, there is a school of thought, which has always stressed the differences between coca and cocaine, and has often – misguidedly, perhaps – sought to identify the crucial distinction in a contrast between an alkaloid and the more complex chemical composition of the leaf.

    This has led to the extreme position of denying that coca contains any cocaine at all, and seriously undermined attempts to understand the real differences between these two substances: one a single alkaloid with a clear molecular structure, and the other a plant with a complex and still poorly-understood array of mineral nutrients, essential oils, and varied compounds with greater or lesser pharmacological effects, one of which happens to be the alkaloid cocaine.

    In public discussion of these different forms of the drug, it has not often been recognized that the clearly demonstrable, slow assimilation of cocaine through coca chewing actually provides a stronger argument in defence of traditional custom than the scientifically untenable idea that coca contains, or releases into the human organism, absolutely no cocaine at all.

    Back to Coca Myths Summary

    Further reading: Coca Myths, Drugs & Conflict Debate Papers 17, June 2009

  • Myth 1: Coca and nutrition

    cocacandyThe use of coca is symptomatic of hunger and malnutrition / Coca is a solution to the world’s hunger problem

    While for some people, “the use of coca is symptomatic of hunger and malnutrition”, others state the opposite saying that “coca is a solution to the world’s hunger problem”. It has long been common among superficial observers to confuse the use of coca with an inadequate diet, and thus to claim that coca is in some specific sense responsible for malnutrition among the Andean population. At the opposite extreme, there exists an increasingly vocal lobby, which defends the use of coca not so much as a stimulant, but as a food supplement, and sometimes engages in extravagant claims regarding coca’s dietary benefits.

    The use of coca leaves is neither a cause of malnutrition, nor a total panacea for the dietary deficiencies produced by imbalances in modern eating patterns. Coca has a significant role to play as a nutritional supplement, however the use of coca has been traditionally perceived less as a substitute for food among traditional users than something to be chewed or drunk after a meal, when the stomach is full, in a digestive role similar to that of tea or coffee.

    The major reason why coca is unlikely to become a major food source is its cost. Of course, this is not a significant issue to the relatively affluent urban consumers who are the most enthusiastic advocates of coca-as-food, but it certainly sets limits on the potential role of coca in ameliorating the nutritional status of poor and marginalized populations.

    Back to Coca Myths Summary

    Further reading: Coca Myths, Drugs & Conflict Debate Papers 17, June 2009

  • Coca Myths Summary

    debate17The coca leaf has been used and misused for many ends, each of them suiting different interests and agendas. Even its very name has been appropriated by a soft drinks producer, which still has difficulties in admitting that the plant is used to produce its "black gold". Every day press accounts around the world use the word coca in their headlines, when they refer in fact to cocaine.

    Although the claim that coca is part of the identity and history of the Andean/Amazon region is unlikely to be questioned by most countries, a possible removal of the coca leaf from the international control system is still met with considerable scepticism. Discussion has been stuck for too long at the point where it is now, and - sometime in the near future - political decisions will need to be made on coca’s fate and legal status, since one country will promptly proceed to the formal request removing the coca leaf from its current position in Schedule 1 of the 1961 UN Single Convention.

    Coca myths

    Many myths surround the coca leaf. Radically opposed views and opinions can be heard in the polemical debates surrounding this plant, and those not familiar with the subject are easily lost among all the apparent contradictions. The debate is politicised and has become subject to extreme ideological positioning. For some the coca leaf is as addictive as its best-known derivative cocaine, while others argue that it can cure half the diseases of modern times. For some, coca growing is the main cause of environmental degradation, while others claim that coca helps to protect the soil and prevents erosion.

    By identifying the myths in pairs, each of these marking the extreme end of a given subject of debate, our aim is to pinpoint the middle ground where a new evidence-based consensus can emerge regarding coca’s undoubted stimulant, nutritional and therapeutic properties. We consider five areas of current concerns related to: coca and nutrition; coca and alkaloids; coca and addiction; coca and the environment; and, coca and society.

    Myth 1 - Coca and nutrition
    The use of coca is symptomatic of hunger and malnutrition / Coca is a solution to the world’s hunger problem

    Myth 2 - Coca and alkaloids
    Cocaine can easily be extracted from coca leaves / Coca leaves contain no cocaine

    Myth 3 - Coca and addiction
    The use of coca produces a form of drug dependence / The use of coca will cure dependence on cocaine and crack

    Myth 4 - Coca and the Environment
    Coca cultivation is devastating the rainforest / Coca is an ideal crop for poor soils in the tropics and will be cultivated everywhere once declared legal

    Myth 5 - Coca and society
    Coca farmers should be identified as drug traffickers / Coca farmers only grow coca to satisfy traditional indigenous uses

    Read the full briefing: Coca Myths, Drugs & Conflict Debate Papers 17, June 2009

  • Myth 5: Coca and society

    Coca farmers should be identified as drug traffickers / Coca farmers only grow coca to satisfy traditional indigenous uses

    coca-sitinIt is in the social realm that the attitudes surrounding coca sometimes find their most intransigent expressions, with extreme positions underpinned by deeply ingrained cultural prejudice. Some say "coca farmers should be identified as drug traffickers", others, "coca farmers only grow coca to satisfy traditional indigeous uses".

    Many of the early condemnations of the coca habit had a clearly racist or ethnocentric bias. It is not surprising, therefore, that the recent revival in nationalist and indigenist sentiment in the Andes has led to a positive re-appraisal of the ancestral use of coca, and the slow diffusion of a better understanding of the plant into new social contexts. The objective of this re-evaluation of coca is clearly to distinguish the use of the leaf from that of its refined alkaloid, and thus to separate the stereotype of the “drug addict” from the image of the traditional coca chewer.

    At the same time, it cannot be denied that farmers have often used the traditional status of the leaf to defend their coca crops against forced eradication, while being aware of the fact that most of their harvest probably ends up in the maceration pits for cocaine production. Both economical and cultural arguments are used to defend growing coca; the simple truth is that although producers would prefer their crop to have an international legal market, the current demand for coca is still predominantly for the elaboration of cocaine.

    Today, coca is no longer an ethnic preserve, being consumed in different geographical areas and among social groups (students, urban workers, the “alternative” middle class) who, only a generation ago, would have found it unacceptable. In Chile, Paraguay, Ecuador, Venezuela and Brazil – even in Europe and North America (see for example an article on booming coca liquor in New York) – small markets for coca products are emerging. Rather than disappearing, the use of coca is currently undergoing a renaissance, much of it outside the bounds of what would be considered “traditional” in purist terms.

    This fact demonstrates how ineffectual the UN conventions have been in eliminating the consumption of coca leaf in South America, and how unrealistic it is for the INCB to continue insisting that only “medical and scientific” uses for coca should be allowed by member states. It also underscores the need to define “traditional use” not in ethnic or even geographical terms, but rather as any use of the coca leaf in forms not subject to chemical manipulation.

    Back to Coca Myths Summary

    Further reading: Coca Myths, Drugs & Conflict Debate Papers 17, June 2009

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